Showing posts with label activism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label activism. Show all posts

Sunday, June 2, 2013

A Plethora of Goods

First, sincere apologies for the lack of photos in this post. Also, please comment with questions or other opinions (as I say at the end of this post).

Markets in Southeast Asia range from live fish flopping about after being severed alive (I really do wonder what Peter Singer would say to that sight), to piles of fruit I don't know the names of in English, to women screaming "buy something?!" about their kitsch and ubiquitous elephant emblazoned handbags (most of which I have been told are from Thailand or Vietnam), to circuitous halls and halls of batik sarong cloths, to where I went yesterday: a NGO sponsored market with all locally made handicrafts and goods. I went from stall to stall learning about the different NGOs while also looking at the handicrafts being sold (often scarfs not meant to be worn in tropical heat, post cards, pendants, bracelets, etc.). And I saw serious problems with much of this.

Some NGOs, it seems, have basically taken over different villages with no route of action in mind to leave. They help the children (always the children, or children and women, not the (male) adults who are also in need of help) buy school supplies to go to school rather than beg on the streets, and also provide art (the photographs are made into postcards) and English lessons. Pictures of kids brushing their teeth and looking doe-eyed into the camera dot the brochure. To compensate for the parents' loss of income, the organizations will often provide rice or other forms of non-monetary help to the families. The NGO begins to thus dictate their livelihoods. Although helping children is 110% important, so is helping the adults who force their children to do beg on the streets. What about helping parents find work? If there are no jobs (and this often seems to be the case, unfortunately), what is the underlying problem, here? There is more to the story than just the children.

Most NGOs also help women, and female-made products becomes a sort of branded attribute. It is a selling point of the commodity--one might even say a "trend." The women from one village bead bracelets and pendants for a tourist market in order to provide for their families.  The Australian head told me all but three of the men walked out when I asked her what the men do while women bead. This is excellent, the women are able to help their families now when before they were not able to.

But it is also problematic: beading these bracelets still marginalizes women to do handiwork as well as relies on a tourist market to buy the goods. Without this Australian woman, and without a tourist market, the women would still be impoverished. NGO work today is reminiscent of my studying the French Indochina Empire but in a lighter and more charitable way. The white power is still coming into the impoverished country to "help" to poor people who cannot help themselves, while also benefiting themselves (goods are still being produced for a western market). Yes, this is a stretch but a reasonable connection.

You could argue: what would these women do without this NGO if there are no jobs? And this is a very valid point--the NGO has provided these women with a skill they can market to the flood of tourists in their country at the moment. By having their own business, this empowers them. But I also ask, more cynically: what would the NGO and its often white founders do without these impoverished women? Rather than have the women bead, it might be more productive to get to the root of unemployment rather than place a daintily embroidered scarf over the problem.

Many NGOs have a program where you can tour local villages and really get to know "authentic" and "traditional" Cambodian life. Yes, tourists often strive for this authenticity and yearn for simpler times--but a tuk tuk driver's life is just as "Cambodian" as a rice farmer's. Touring villages helps people who might not otherwise know what life is like sans electricity or plumbing see this, but again, the villagers then rely on the tourists for their income. Tourism is a lucrative industry, but tourism as the primary industry creates problems.  The villagers have to do this day in and day out, making their village more like a museum rather than a place to live. As tourists bike through, they don't want to really see the real, nitty gritty and not pretty life. And eating lunch with a local family? They often want to try the local food, but not too local. And I am not referring to the people who really do want to dry duck egg (no, not a duck's egg, but a duck's egg with a was-about-to-be-hatched-and-then-you-ate-me duck inside the egg), I mean the people who would be disappointed eating only a small helping of rice for lunch. That's local, for you. Of course, there are exceptions to this.

What's more, the people who are buying these goods think that they are greatly helping the situation. They are certainly putting their money to a good cause, but this "passive activism" worries me. Buying ten scarves made by women in the rural village will not change the country. Eating at a restaurant where all of the profits go to some school children will not change the political situation in the country that makes things how they are today. It can begin to help, but buying your way to change is not the answer. Although many tourists and people in general simply do not care enough to make lasting change--they are going home soon. Those who stay do try to make a change, but (as this post describes), I fear it is not the best pathway. And no, I do not have a different, viable, and practical method in mind.

This is not meant to denounce any of the NGOs in Siem Reap and Cambodia at large, it is just that I find multiple flaws and many of them and hope that you, dear reader, might have a different opinions to enlighten me with. I am very very open to other thoughts as I would love to prove the cynic in me wrong. Maybe....is this NGO society the first step to changing Cambodia on the whole? 

Saturday, April 27, 2013

The Perils of Activism and Critical Media in Cambodia

Freedom of press country by country. Some maps vary, for example, one shows
Canada as on par with Sweden, while another shows Burma as being on par
with Thailand.
There is no doubt that Cambodia does not boast the same freedom of speech laws that I, living in the United States, can benefit from. I can write critically about Barack Obama and ObamaCare, and not worry that someone will come after me for doing so. This, needless to say, is not the case in Cambodia. Cambodian journalists live in constant fear of saying or writing something wrong, especially because much of the media in Cambodia are owned by Hun Sen's ruling party, the Cambodian People's Party (CPP). In fact, "spreading false information or insulting public officials," is cause for imprisonment (Cambodia Profile). It is important to note, however, that those media do not wholly include the internet, seeing as only a reported 663,000 Cambodian had access (even if inconsistent) to the internet in June 2012 (Cambodia Profile). This is not to say that government defamation on the internet is free game, but that the internet is not a widely used tool in Cambodia as of late. That being said, the BBC reports a 2012 decree banning any internet cafes from opening up near schools, and that committing crimes that might threaten national security or tradition on the internet is forbidden. The fear behind any freedom of speech spreads beyond journalists and into other activism sectors of Cambodian society.

The pro-government daily Koh Santepheap newspaper
homepage screenshot.
The most famous recent case of an imprisoned Khmer journalist is Mam Sonado, a land rights activist, the president of a pro-democracy movement, and radio host on of the only station that criticized Hun Sen's government. He was charged for supposedly starting a rebellion and accused specifically of instigating villagers in Kratie, Cambodia, to form their own state independent of Cambodia--an accusation that Sonado denies. Although there were clashes between the government and Kratie villagers due to the government taking away their land, Sonado was not involved (Cambodia Jails Journalist Mam Sonando over 'Plot.'). The protests in Kratie escalated because the police shot and killed a fifteen-year-old girl protesting. From what I have read and seen about Cambodia, this is not an uncommon occurrence. Sonado was sentenced to twenty years in prison, something that human rights groups call outrageous, yet as he left the court, he told press: "I am happy that I have helped the nation" (Cambodia Jails Journalist Mam Sonando over 'Plot.'). In March, however, he was released after  indirect pressure from the United Nations. But not all of the journalists and activists in Cambodia have the U.N. at their side.

In September 2012, an environmental activist and journalist named Hang Serei Oudom was brutally killed (at the mercy of axe blows to his head) and found in the trunk of his car by police (Gleensdale). Oudom was known to write stories about the illegal logging of Cambodian timber for luxury corporations--stories the the government would prefer that people do not know about.  Western journalists are not exempt to the government's watchful eye either. There have been reports of harassment at English language newspapers, and in 1997, a Khmer-Canadian photographer was killed. A Canadian journalist was with Oudom when we was brutally killed as well; however, she was spared.

Memorial Service advertisement for Chea
Vichea
Bradley Cox's film Who Killed Chea Vichea? discusses the human rights abuses in Cambodia in relation to the injustice of Chea Vichea's murder and trial. Vichea, Cambodia's former Free Trade Union president, was assassinated in 2004 on Chinese New Year in broad daylight. Six months before he received a text message that he would be killed, but he persevered in his political and activist work. Vichea protected garment workers and promoted strikes and demonstrations to increase minimum wage and improve worker conditions. Today, the U.S. receives $2 billion in garments from Cambodia, while the 250,000 Cambodians working in the garment industry make $0.28 an hour on average, leading to a $45 monthly salary. The 250,000 Cambodians working in the industry support an estimated 750,000 other Cambodians, meaning that the garment industry in Cambodia buttresses one million people (7% of the population). Sam Rainsy, the politician in stark opposition to Hun Sen and the CPP, supported Vichea and human rights (although, Joel Brinkley's book Cambodia's Curse is more critical of Rainsy than the film). The CPP today have a lock on power and control basically everything about the police, military, and public expenditure (or rather, lack there of).

After Vichea's death, nobody was arrested. The government did not do anything. In fact, Hun Sen was astonished that people wanted him to resign because when 9/11 happened in the United States, George Bush was not immediately ousted (of course, the contexts were completely different as only a few people believe Bush was at fault for the attacks--which he was not. This only proves Hun Sen's madness). Human rights groups and international donors--the latter on which Cambodia relies heavily--pressed for justice in the Vichea case. The police then released a drawing of the man they said the one witness, a Phnom Penh shopkeeper named Va Sothy, described as the murderer (after seeking asylum in Thailand and then the U.S., Sothy denies ever speaking to the police). 48 hours later, the police had arrested two men, Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun, arrested. But these men did not commit the murder, and as Rainsy said, the government just "had to arrest somebody for the show."

Who Killed Chea Vichea?
A few days before Vichea's murder, Samnang's mother brought a photo of Samnang to the police station to claim she was disowning him because he owed some money to a pharmaceutical company, and she did not want her house taken from her to repay her son's debt. Oeun had a one-time-business-partner Din Doeun who reported him for stealing money, around the same time Vichea was killed as well. Thus, both of the names and photo were easy for the Cambodian police to use to arrest somebody. The head police said they admitted to the crime and were guilty; however, footage shows both men crying, screaming "Let the earth swallow me whole," "Shoot me in the mouth and let me die if I did it," and about the Cambodian police, "They can make white black." Later, former police officials admitted that there were two undercover police on the scene directly after the murder acting as journalists, and the police were not strict about protecting potential forensic evidence from the public.

Who Killed Chea Vichea? Poster
Watching these men crying in unfathomable amounts of distress was inexplicably heart-wrenching. They were arrested without proof. Although he said that he was threatened and coerced into it, Samnang signed a confession saying he was guilty. Samnang actually had dozens of alibis that he was in a village, Neak Long, forty kilometers outside of Phnom Penh. Oeun maintained his innocence, and friends at the Chinese New Year party he claimed to be attending would not come forward with any alibi information unless they were allowed to leave the country, because "in Cambodia, if you know things, you can die." At court when both Samnang and Oeun were sentenced to twenty years in prison, they screamed and cried when leaving, asking, for the "King Father" (the late King Sihanouk) or "international guests" to do something becuase "this is injustice." Relatives and friends screamed as the police van took the two away--that they should be given poison so they can kill themselves, and one of the mothers asked for the police to just let her son "die tomorrow." Human rights groups insisted that the wrong men had been convicted. In Cambodia, only the police and military have guns, meaning it was the police or military, controlled by the government, that killed Vichea.

According to an old police officer living France, Cambodia's police force is "as powerful as God." They are also known to torture prisoners, similar to S-21 and the political prisoners of the Khmer Rouge. In fact, one officer (filmed privately through a wall) said that feeding corpses to crocodiles was a common practice. Indeed: "A Cambodian's life is worth the same as a chicken's...a French dog is worth more."A former judge told Cox that not only are many judges not properly educated in the legal systems (part of the Khmer Rouge's educational legacy), but also that "there isn't a single judge who is innocent" from the CPP.

On the part of the elite, there is no want to change the current Hun Sen dominated system--while many activist groups believe there might be. The CPP and its high ranking members can do whatever they want, including quash any opposition. Before the 2003 elections, there were a lot of high profile killings: a judge, a politically active monk, and an opposition advisor. Shortly after the highly contested elections (that were not resolved for nearly a year), a journalist was killed. And then Vichea. According to Rainsy, the government "will kill any secondary target." The message: accept Hun Sen or die.

Vichea's brother in part of the film castigates the U.S. and U.K. governments for not caring about human rights abuses, and in fact claiming that human rights in Cambodia have improved. But at the end of the day, as one of the international workers put it: The U.S. just does not care enough, and they have more important things attending to their interests than a small country. It does not bother them that they ravished the country in the 1970s leading Cambodia to disarray, genocide, and injustice (and a host of other problems).

Samnang (left) and Oeun at their appeals trial on
November 7, 2012.
At the end, the filmmakers tell where the main players are today. In fact, some of the policemen involved in the case have died (Hok Lundy in 2008 in a "mysterious" helicopter fire) or are in prison themselves (such as Heng Pov, once Hun Sen's "right hand man" is a victim of "political infighting"). Both Oeun and Samnang were provisionally released on December 31, 2008, but then on December 27, 2012 were re-sentenced even after King Sihanouk said they were innocent, and Heng Pov said so also. It is a widely held belief that Samnang and Oeun are the unfortunate scapegoats. No one knows for sure who killed Chea Vichea, but the killing is almost certainly (although I will not say 100% in a legal case as such) connected to Hun Sen.

And what about the activists who did not attract this much media attention?

Works Cited:
"Cambodia Jails Journalist Mam Sonando over 'Plot.'" BBC. 1 Oct. 2012. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-19783123

"Cambodia Profile." BBC. 21 Feb. 2013. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-13006543 Web.

Gleensdale, Roy. "Cambodian Journalist Murdered." The Guardian. 12 Sept. 2012. Retrieved from http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/greenslade/2012/sep/12/journalist-safety-cambodia Web.

Who Killed Chea Vichea? Cox, Bradley Dir. Independent Television Service, 2010. Film.